SUMMARY OF THE WORKING GROUP ON
POLITICAL PROCESSES
Women present in this group are all political actors working at different levels: grassroots organizations, national NGOs, international networks, and a few from government and donor agencies. These political actors also differ in perspectives according to their background: class, race, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, and experience.In terms of the importance they give to reproductive rights and justice, all these women can be considered like-minded, but the strategies and tactics to create the conditions in which women are enabled to exercise their rights do necessarily differ. We are not the same, but because of our shared vision we can act in solidarity.
From the various experiences and questions brought up for discussion, the following principles, guidelines, and bits of wisdom are worth considering:
1. Linkages: always clarify WHO, WHAT, and HOW.
WHO: Linkages between actors on four levels:
- within the women's health movement, amongst ourselves at the various locations;
- between the movement and the government;
- between the movement and society at large;
- in international networking and between networks.
WHAT: Reproductive rights are not an isolated issue, but are intrinsically linked to macro-development models. Women stress the importance of making women's needs central. It is therefore important not only to denounce abuses in population control, but also to show how population-control interventions are part of the overall control policies of the "new economic order," which do not put the fulfillment of people's needs in the forefront.
HOW: We need to ensure the link between strengthening the movement internally (by information flow, transparency in acting, feedback, and monitoring) and external work (by creating alternatives and advocating and lobbying amongst more powerful policy-making circles). Always stress the interconnectedness of issues, which requires solidarity in support for each others' actions.
2. Mobilization for reproductive rights and justice.
Firstly, it is important for local organizations to net work locally, nationally, and internationally. Secondly, reproductive rights activists should not limit themselves to working with the women's movement, but should reach out and link up with other social movements. Moreover, within development circles, the importance of reproductive rights should be established.
3. Working inside and outside the official (ICPD) process.
- Distinguish between those who are outside because they are not informed (there, information and education is needed), and those who for tactical reasons choose to stay outside (to keep the strength of the opposition going or to gain or keep credibility in their community or constituency).
- Working inside: there is scope for working inside when one is able to maintain one's own agenda and own terms of reference, and able to avoid co-optation. There should be a balance between the need to maintain accountability to the women whose interests are supposed to be served (act as their ally) with strategies and tactics that are effective vis-a-vis power holders. Act with confidence and force: BOTH are required.
- In the discussion about the scope and limits of working inside or outside, the issue of power needs to be considered. Outsiders have less power and need allies inside; insiders cannot do their work properly if they have no backing from outsiders in the movement.
In planning strategy (whether inside or outside), we need to take care not to discredit and under mine each other by highlighting power differentials. There should be democratic and transparent use of power to further reproductive rights and justice and hold each other accountable.
4. Dialogues and working with population institutions.
Based on past experience, the movement views the population establishment with caution and suspicion. Nowadays there is "double-speak" and co-optation. Therefore "dialoguers" and "workers within" have to be explicit about their own (women's movement - backed) agenda. "Women's demands should never be subsumed under population policies." Say, "This is what we want. Your policies, your framework do not meet what we need in any way; our needs have to be central, not demographic targets."
We cannot afford not to act vis-a-vis and inside population institutions. "Especially with the present population crisis talk, like a tidal wave, we need to stand up from everywhere...."
5. Commitment and accountability within the movement.
Privileged political actors should take care to relate openly with women at the grass-roots level in the community, * provide information and encourage articulation of local needs and demands, and translate these into more general political demands at the national and international level. Lobbyists and advocates should act with commitment, and not be arrogant and career-driven. Community and local women's groups have to hold lobbyists and powerful actors accountable and monitor their work.
6. Representation.
Actors at any level have to be responsible and accountable to the women whose interests they represent. It is not acceptable that powerful international bodies appoint (top-down) so-called experts and women representatives.
7. Women and the State.
- NGOs have to hold governments accountable for promises they have made or conventions they have signed. This requires a public monitoring process.
- When circumstances change (from dictatorship to democracy; from demographically driven population control to recognition of the need for social policies), social NGOs or movements with a history of militancy and opposition have to face the challenge to keep on denouncing what is wrong, while putting great effort into creating alternatives and negotiating with the former opposition. Moreover, it should be kept in mind that there is no simple dichotomy between blocs, but different levels and different actors; so actions have to suit their context and time. The ability to successfully interact and negotiate with governments and powerful policy-makers depends on:
-- backing by the broader movement or community, and the legitimacy of the lobbyists;
-- strength in alliance with other social movements.
8. Donors.
Distinguish between donors with their own agenda (making instrumental use of women) and donors willing to fund work as defined by women themselves. Such ally-donors need to be involved because the movement does need resources (and lots!) on their own terms. A challenge to ally donors is to steer back the flow of resources to the women's movement now that "women" as a funding category have become less "fashionable."
9. Transparency.
"Transparency" is a much-used, crucial concept for individuals, for organizations, and for coalitions and alliances. Transparency means:
- honesty, openness, making commitments in public;
- clear rules regarding decision-making processes;
- commitment to explicit, basic shared values and vision amongst members of organizations or alliances.
Underlying transparency is the issue of POWER. Often, power differences are not articulated, yet they do have an impact, which is subtle and may cause suspicion; transparency means acknowledging and working with power differences, and it leads to cooperation in clearly defined and agreed upon terms.
10. Importance of vision and collectively developing a global conceptual and analytical framework for local, specific strategies and actions.
We cannot assume that we share vision and analysis just because we are concerned women. To build the strength of the movement or of alliances, the time and energy-consuming process of sharing experience and vision cannot be skipped.
11. Assessment of our strength as a movement.
On one hand, women in strategic positions are optimistic because they experience the force of the movement. On the other hand, women "on the ground" are pessimistic because they experience the multitude of disempowering and marginalizing forces, deteriorating living conditions, etc.
As the women's movement we are both strong (moving, challenging) and weak (compared to the immense anti-women forces). Therefore we have to work on the basis of unity (which is not sameness) and solidarity (differences as a source of strength) inside and outside and at community and international levels simultaneously, keeping in mind the need for constant movement-building (through trust and transparency) from the local level up.
On our various routes to Cairo, the movement building and alliance-making process is going on. We know that advocacy will only be successful if there is solid local organizing effort. We must have unity in our vision, and solidarity in our strategies.
We will have political impact: our power-tools are diversity and subversion.
*"Grass roots" is a concept that is used by some with pride. Others feel it is derogatory and prefer to speak of community. Language has to be seen (and respected) in its context. Similarly, the terms "women of color" and "black women" are highly loaded and need to be used with sensitivity.
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